The Labour Party and Socialism 1950s-1970s

The Labour Party and Socialism I 1950s-1970s

The Failure of Capitalism

With a few notable exceptions, such as Tony Benn and Eric Robinson, people move to the right as they grow older. There are plenty of examples of this in the present government. Instead of challenging the Establishment, most cabinet ministers become part of it.

Although not notable, I have moved in the opposite direction. I have never doubted the relevance of socialism: with the experience under new Labour, I am more convinced than ever that if offers the only solution.

No doubt this is the reason I have been ignored for the last 30 of my 50 years membership of the Labour Party. Nevertheless, I am willing to help the present government in its hour of need. All it has to do is to ‘turn a deafen’ to the City of London, Washington, the Daily Mail and listen to me, representing (as I’m sure I do) the views of some 3-4 million people in the Labour Party and the trade unions.

As opponents of privatisation, and of restrictions on the range of public services, we are not associated with the policies of recent years. What we are saying, in a general sense, is that rampant capitalism has had its chance and has landed us in an almighty mess.

‘Socialism’ must not only dare to speak its name, but also have the courage to explain how its policies are the most relevant for addressing the economic and social challenges we currently face.

Labour in the 1950s

In the 1950s there appeared to be a real prospect of improvement in the quality of life of all citizens. A free health service had been established by the Attlee government, and the railways, coal mines and utilities (gas, water, electricity, communications) were under public control.

The post-war re-building by the Attlee governments 1945-1951 placed the economy on a firm footing. By the mid 1950s the standard of living had developed to the point where Harold Macmillan’s ‘we have never had it so good’ was widely recognised.

The ‘we’, however, was far from including everybody and there was a great deal to do to create a fair and equal society.

Labour in the 1960s

Harold Wilson, who had resigned with Aneurin Bevan when Gaitskell imposed health charges in 1951, believed that people could be lifted out of poverty as a result of the economic benefits flowing from ‘the white heat of the technological revolution’.

The strategy of raising the living standards of the less well off from economic growth, as an alternative to a more progressive tax system to redistribute wealth, has persisted throughout all Labour governments since.

By the 1970s it was clear that the ‘equality from economic growth’ strategy did not work and only very modest progress had been made towards a fairer society. However, taking a world view, the balance of power between capitalism (led by the USA) and communism (led by the USSR) appeared to be maintaining a relatively stable world.

For the UK, North Sea Oil held the prospect of improved living standards for all UK citizens with, in addition, sufficient resources for investment in developing countries. It was also possible to be optimistic about democracy; particularly given the balancing powers of government, local authorities and trade unions.

Rights, laws and recognised procedures to protect employees, won by working-class struggles over the previous century, provided reasonable protection for citizens threatened by vested interests and bureaucrats. Although there was a great deal to do to eliminate poverty, create equality, and improve public services, it appeared doable.

However, at the end of the 1970s, the country took a wrong turning which will be described in the next blog episode.